
The Kimchi Chronicle in San Francisco
Where Legacy Ferments Anew
This educational booklet invites you to explore the history, language, and cultural meanings of kimchi—one of Korea’s most iconic and evolving foods.
Created by the Korean American Restaurant Association of San Francisco, this project is designed for learners, educators, and curious readers who wish to understand kimchi not just as a dish, but as a living tradition.
📘 Free to download for educational use only
🔗 All sources and references are available below
📄 Version 1.07 | Last updated: April 2, 2025
We look forward to your support and collaboration as we continue documenting San Francisco’s local kimchi stories.
If you need a hard copy for educational or cultural use, feel free to reach out. For edits, feedback, or questions about the contents, please contact us at: info@karasf.org
SOURCES AND REFERENCES
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Because this project deals with the history of kimchi, we felt that notes and references were essential. However, given the range of sources—from classical texts to recent research—a full bibliography would have made the downloadable PDF too long. Instead, we’ve taken advantage of hyperlinking by selecting sources that are digitally accessible, and listing them below. Many of the references are in Korean, but for the reader’s convenience, we have translated the titles into English—especially for academic articles that include English abstracts. Please note that an English title does not necessarily mean the work itself is in English. Whenever possible, English-language materials have been included and will continue to be added over time.
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For this online publication, we used “Woman with apron holding a small serving of homemade kimchi” (Lisboa, Portugal, March 3, 2020) by Portuguese Gravity—with appreciation for their creativity and love for kimchi. We also thank the Korean Food Promotion Institute for generously providing the image of seven representative kimchi types (baek-kimchi, oi-sobagi, dongchimi, baechu-kimchi, kkakdugi, chonggak-kimchi, and pa-kimchi).
General Reference Materials on the History of Kimchi
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The World Institute of Kimchi maintains one of the most comprehensive digital archives for downloadable academic materials related to kimchi, including publications, reports, and proceedings. [Explore archive (in Korean)]
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For an English-language overview of kimchi’s origins, see Chae-Lin Park, “Review on Uniqueness of the Origin of Kimchi Based on the Process of Development,” in The Humanistic Understanding of Kimchi (Gwangju: World Institute of Kimchi, 2015), pp. 79–111. [Read in English]
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For a general introduction to Korean food history, see Doyoung Koo et al., Hangug-eumsigmunhwasa (한국 음식문화사, The History of Korean Food Culture) (Seoul: Northeast Asian History Foundation, 2023). [Full text (in Korean)]
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For a survey of how kimchi recipes have evolved, refer to Chae-Lin Park, “Comprehensive Study on the Origins and Changes in Kimchi Recipe,” Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture 34-2 (2019), pp. 93–111. [Access article (in Korean)]
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On premodern Korean daily life, see Michael D. Shin (ed. and trans.), with Edward Park, Everyday Life in Joseon-Era Korea: Economy and Society (Leiden: Brill, 2014). [View on Amazon] For a related lecture by Shin on kimchi and soju, [watch full video (via The Korea Society)].
Introduction
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In 2001, the Codex Alimentarius recognized kimchi under its original Korean name, formally distinguishing it from similar dishes. [Full text (in English)]
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In 2013, UNESCO recognized Kimjang—the communal practice of making and sharing kimchi—as an intangible cultural heritage of humanity. [Full text (in English)]
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For the most recent overview of international consumer trends related to kimchi, see 2024 Overseas Korean Food Consumer Report by the Korean Food Promotion Institute, pp. 33, 46. [Access report (in Korean)]
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According to the World Institute of Kimchi, there are over 250 types of kimchi categorized by ingredients, seasonality, and preparation methods. When classified more finely by how they are made, the number exceeds 1,000—and continues to grow today as kimchi globalizes and adapts to local cultures. [Read online (in Korean)]
1. Mapping Kimchi: Geography, Vegetation, and Preservation
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For an ethnobotanical study of traditional Korean greens (namul), see Zaehi Kim, “Namul Taxonomy in 19th Century for the Korean Ethnobotany in 21st Century,” Korean Journal of Folk Studies 36 (2015), pp. 59–84. [Access article (in Korean)]
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For an overview of Eumsik dimi bang, see “Eumsikdimibang: The First Cookbook Written by a Woman in East Asia.” [Read online (in English)]
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For a modern Korean translation of Eumsik dimi bang’s recipe for japchae: [view recipe (in Korean)]
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On Jeon Sun Eui’s documentation of greenhouse techniques in Korea: Sang Jun Yoon and Jan Woudstra, “Advanced Horticultural Techniques in Korea: The Earliest Documented Greenhouses,” Garden History 35-1 (2007), pp. 68–84. [Limited access through JSTOR]
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For a modern Korean translation of Jeon Sun Eui’s original text (Sanga yorok): Jeon Sun Eui, trans. and edited by Rural Development Administration, Sanga yorok (Suwon: Rural Development Administration, 2004), p. 115. [Access book (in Korean)]
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For biographical research on Jeon Sun Eui: Yeong Mok Kim et al., “Research on The Lineage and Writing Works of Jeon Sun Eui,” Korean Journal of Oriental Physiology & Pathology 21-1 (2007), pp. 10–17. [Access article (in Korean)]
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For a modern Korean translation project of the Imwon Gyeongje ji, visit the ongoing translation site at pungseok.net (in Korean). For a categorical summary related to kimchi, see Jeongjoji 鼎俎志, vol 4. Section 咬茹之類, Subsection 6 Jeochae (菹菜). [Read online (in Korean)
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On the character chimchae (沈菜) and its historical usage as a Korean sinographic term for kimchi: Yongjoong Kang, “A Study on the Cultural Archetype of Kimchi in the Chosun Dynasty,” Comparative Cultural Studies 46 (2017), pp. 113–142. [Access article (in Korean)]
2. Oceans, Ice, and Salt: How Korea Preserved the Sea
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On the data of per capita seafood consumption in 2020: [view full table (in English)].
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For archaeological evidence of seafood remains in a royal tomb from the Silla kingdom, see Gyeongju Seobongchong II: Re-excavation Report (Seoul: National Museum of Korea, 2020), pp. 214–216. [Access book (in Korean)].
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For an academic study on the use of salted seafood (jeotgal) and the evolution of kimchi recipes during the Joseon Dynasty: Dong-hoon Shin and Chae-Lin Park, “The Use of Salted Seafood and the Evolution of Kimchi Recipes during the Joseon Dynasty,” Sarim 87 (2024), pp. 393–428. [Access article (in Korean)]
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For the full text of Gaoli tujing (Goryeo dogyeong; An Illustrated Chinese Account of Goryeo Korea), including sections on fish [access book (in Classical Chinese) 49/80 and Korean translation]. Cf. National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage, ed., Goryeodogyeong: Finding Hidden Pictures (Daejeon: National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage, 2019). [Access book (in Korean)
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According to Imwon gyeongje ji, the three most widely traded commodities in local markets across the country in the early 19th century were rice, cotton cloth, and seafood. [Read online (in Korean)]
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For a primary source record from August 18, 1787, describing the use and transportation of ice, recorded in the Seungjeongwon ilgi (Diaries of the Royal Secretariat): Read the excerpt here: "大抵氷者, 不可無於夏序, 而當暑魚肉, 無是則餒. 故東西氷庫及紫門監所藏, 御廚供奉, 朝臣頒賜, 猶患不贍, 則不可遍及於海上擧網之舟, 都下鼓刀之肆. 故私氷庫, 自成廟朝, 以特敎創開, 人多效嚬, 廣而無禁者, 爲其魚舟肉肆之賴而不至腐傷也. 渠等俱以氷魚, 作爲生業矣." (underline added by the author). [Full text (in Classical Chinese) and the scanned image (027a)]
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For a study on the introduction and use of reefer ships (ice-cooled vessels) in early modern Korea: Jin Baek Kim, “A Study on the Introduction Time of a Reefer Ship in Korea,” Ocean Policy Research 33-2 (2020), pp. 25–55. [Download article (in Korean)]
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For historical records on refrigerated vessels near Mapo during the Japanese colonial period, see Nōshōkōbu Suisankyoku, ed., Kankoku suisan shi (韓國水産誌), vol 1 (Seoul: Nōshōkōbu Suisankyoku, 1908), pp. 345–346. [Access book (in Japanese)]
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An article on the jeotgal in the sunken Goryeo-era ships: [read online (in Korean)]. For an overview of the mokkans—wooden cargo tags—excavated from the sunken Goryeo-era ships, see Lee Yeon Jae, “A Study on the Characteristics of Goryeo Dynasty Cargo Tag Mokkans: In Comparison with Mokkans of the Song and Yuan Dynasty,” MUNHWAJAE: Korean Journal of Cultural Heritage Studies 54-4 (2021), pp. 60–77. [Download article (in Korean)]
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For a brief record of salted shrimp purchased on October 28, 1596, see Swaemi rok: [view record (in Classical Chinese)].
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For a painting of a saeujeot vendor (Fig. 6): [view photo].
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The “jeotdok” jars were typically cylindrical in shape, designed to minimize wasted space on fishing boats where jeotgal was prepared immediately after the catch: [view photo].
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For a detailed list of the jeotgal varieties enjoyed by King Jeongjo, [read online (in Korean)]. For royal cuisine practices in Joseon: National Palace Museum of Korea, ed., Joseon's Royal Cuisine: A Table for Food, Reverence and Sharing (Seoul: National Palace Museum of Korea, 2024). [Access book (in Korean)]
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For Siui jeonseo, a late-Joseon cookbook that documents upper-class culinary practices including the use of jeotgal in formal table settings: [access article (in Korean)].
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For a scholarly study on early Joseon kimchi recipes through Jucho chimjeo bang: Chae-Lin Park and Yong-min Kwon, “A Study on the Kimchi Recipe in the Early Joseon Dynasty through Juchochimjeobang,” Journal of The Korean Society of Food Culture 32-5 (2017), pp. 333–360. [Access article (in Korean)]
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For a description of Gyeongju Seokbinggo (Fg. 5) and its architectural features: [read online (in Korean)].
3. Beyond Pickling: How Jeotgal Transformed Kimchi
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For the original passage in Gapo Yukyeong, [read full text (in Classical Chinese, Korean translation, and scanned image)]. For background information on Yi Gyubo, [read online (in English)].
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For an early Joseon record describing a jaha jeotgal-based kimchi, see the Veritable Records of King Sejong (June 16, 1426): [read full record (in Classical Chinese, Korean translation, and scanned image)].
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For a 1424 imperial request by the Yongle Emperor for three Korean foods—baendaeng’i (sardine), octopus, and jaha jeotgal, see the Veritable Records of King Sejong (July 8, 1424): [read full record (in Classical Chinese, Korean translation, and scanned image)].
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A literary anecdote about jaha-jeotgal (感動醢)-based kimchi—so flavorful and evocative that it reportedly brought a Chinese envoy to tears—appears in Eou yadam (Tales of Eou) by Yu Mong-in (1559–1623). The envoy, passing through Haeju, was served cucumber kimchi made with jahajeot. Overwhelmed with emotion, he began to cry and could not continue eating. He explained that his aging mother was thousands of miles away, and the thought of eating such a treasured dish alone made it impossible for him to swallow. Since multiple versions of the text exist, interpretations may vary. A well-known version cited in Noh Young-mi’s PhD dissertation, "A Study of Euwooysdam [sic]: On Investigation of Different Versions and Their Narrative Characteristics" (Seoul Women’s University, 2002), pp. 100–101, reads as follows: “紫蝦醢沈箛菹, 俗所謂感動醢, 東方下味也. 昔天使過海州, 食紫蝦瓜菹, 飮泣不忍食. 遠接使怪而問之, 天使曰吾有老母在萬里外, 此味甚珍不忍下咽, 遠接使索州官進之, 天使曰不勝感動, 故名其醢曰感動...” [Access dissertation (in Korean)] A variant version of this passage appears in the Jangseogak edition (藏書閣本): “紫蝦醢沈瓜葅, 俗謂之感動醢, 東方下味也. 天使昔過海州, 食紫蝦瓜葅, 飮泣不忍食. 遠接使怪問之, 天使曰, 吾有老母, 在萬里之外, 此味甚珍, 不忍下咽. 遠接使卓州官進之, 天使曰, 不勝感動. 故名其醢曰, 感動葅.” The Chinese envoy behind this anecdote was likely the Ming eunuch Bai Yan (白彦), originally from Suwon, Korea. During his 1426 diplomatic mission to Joseon, Bai was granted royal permission to visit his mother, who was still residing in Suwon. His itinerary included two distinct periods in Suwon: April 4–17 and May 15–June 19, 1426. While staying there, on June 16, the Joseon court prepared jaha jeotgal-based kimchi to be sent to the Ming emperor at Bai Yan’s request. For a detailed account of his itinerary, see the relevant [records (in Korean)]. Notably, Suwon’s administrative jurisdiction at the time included Namyang Dohobu, which was recorded as a place known for producing jaha. See the geographical record [here (in Korean)].
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One of the earliest literary references to gamdongjeo can be found in the Sajae-jip by Kim Jeong-guk (1485–1541): "Park Se-pyong was known for his fondness for witty banter. He resided in Eumseong. Yi Ja [1480–1533, a former official who once held the post of Uchamchan (右參贊), commonly known as Sajae (四宰)], had retired from government service in the cyclical year of gimyo and moved to Eumseong as well. At the time, Park was still serving at court. Whenever he was granted leave to return to his hometown, he would always bring wine to visit Yi or send him food as a gift. One day, Park sent Yi a dish of kimchi made with jaha jeotgal-based kimchi. He noted that “this kimchi had exceptional flavor and would surely impress you.” Yi responded in the closing lines of his reply letter: “I gratefully receive this unique flavor. Indeed, I am moved. Yet I must say, I regret your constant fondness for wordplay and exaggerated remarks. That is why the world often underestimates you. From now on, perhaps it is best to suspend (gwonjeong, 權停: incidentally, sounds much like gonjaeng’i, another local term for jaha in Korean) such habits.” Park, though known for his eccentric humor, lacked polish in his wit, whereas Yi, despite not being in the habit of jest, managed to craft a more elegant and pointed remark in a single stroke. Those who overheard the exchange are said to have burst into laughter." [Read full text (in Classical Chinese and scanned image)]
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The Korean term for gonjaeng'i (곤쟁이, Neomysis awatschensis)—a small crustacean used in making fermented and salted paste—has appeared in various forms throughout Korean linguistic history. Common labels include: a) jaha (紫蝦) — literally “purple shrimp,” where the Chinese characters are chosen for their meaning; b) alternative names such as gamdong (感動, 甘冬, or 甘動) and gwonjeong (權停 or 權精), where the characters are selected for their phonetic value only, regardless of meaning. Although further in-depth linguistic research is required, it is plausible that these variant names reflect the dark reddish-gray (or purplish) hue of the crustacean when fermented. The words gamdong and gwonjeong resemble modern Korean terms like geomdung (검둥, black) or geomjeong (검정, black), suggesting a possible phonosemantic origin tied to the food’s color.
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For Yi An-nul’s (1571–1637) praise of kimchi as “a combination of the treasures of both land and sea” (陸海之珍二者兼), [read full text and scanned images (643-644/1144)] in Dong'ak seonsaeng jip (1640).
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For the kimchi recipe for gamdongjeo (甘動菹) found in Jucho chimjeo bang, see Doo Hyeon Paek, “A Study of the Juchochimjeo bang Manuscript: Content and Date of Writing,” Youngnamhak 62 (2017), pp. 407–446, esp. 425–426. [Access article (in Korean)]
4. The Arrival of Chili Peppers and the Making of Red Kimchi
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Black pepper (hocho or huchu, 胡椒) was a highly valued and rare commodity in Joseon Korea. The royal court made several unsuccessful attempts to obtain viable seeds for domestic cultivation—in 1482 [view record], 1485 [view record], and 1486 (view record). Its scarcity is dramatically illustrated by an episode recorded in 1587 [view record], when a Japanese envoy deliberately spilled black pepper at an official banquet. Musicians and entertainers reportedly scrambled to collect the grains, creating a scene of disorder. The envoy interpreted this as evidence of declining national discipline. Decades later, in 1748, Joseon officials cited the incident as a moral lesson: when internal order collapses, foreign powers will seize the opportunity to exploit that weakness [view record]. Beyond its symbolic reading, the episode also offers a vivid glimpse into the extraordinary value placed on black pepper at the time.
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For a study of the East Asian pepper trade in early modern times, see Wang Zi, “East Asian Pepper Trade in Early Modern Times” (PhD diss., Dongguk University, 2020). [Access dissertation (in Korean)]
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For a brief reference to chuncho (Zanthoxylum piperitum) on October 2, 1510: [read full text (in Classical Chinese, Korean translation, and scanned image). For an image of chopi (Zanthoxylum piperitum) fruit: [view photo].
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To avoid confusion in interpreting traditional Korean food and medical texts, it is important to distinguish between different species of the genus Zanthoxylum. In traditional Korean classification, Zanthoxylum species are typically divided into three types: a) Chopi (椒皮 or 蜀椒 or 川椒, Z. piperitum), regionally known as jaepi, jepi, or jopi; b) Sancho (山椒, Z. schinifolium); c) Hwacho (花椒, Z. bungeanum). However, the Japanese pharmacological tradition reverses this usage by applying the term 山椒 (sanshō) to Z. piperitum, not Z. schinifolium. This creates ambiguity when translating or identifying “cho” (椒) in historical Korean recipes and herb texts. This issue is addressed in Young-Jong Lee’s study, “Study on Original Plants of and Foreign Materials Compliance Guidelines for Zanthoxyli Pericarpium,” The Korea Journal of Herbology 31-6 (2016), pp. 11–20. [Download article (in Korean)] Cf. The Pharmacopoeia of Japan, 17th Edition Online (2016), p. 1885. Although sancho is now commonly used in Korea to refer to Z. piperitum, this modern usage conflicts with traditional taxonomies. In contrast, regional terms like jaepi may more accurately reflect older Korean understandings—though they are less common in contemporary culinary language.
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For a remarkably comprehensive online article documenting the historical transmission of chili peppers in East Asia: [read online (in Japanese)].
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For readers interested in early Japanese-language documentation on the transmission of chili peppers in East Asia, the following digitized sources are especially useful: Tamonin Nikki (多聞院日記), entry dated February 18, 1593: [Access book (in Japanese)]; Kafu (花譜, 1698), vol. 3: [Access book (in Japanese)] (32/51); Sōmoku rokubu kōshuhō (草木六部耕種法) (1874), vol. 17: [Access book (in Japanese)](28–29/62).
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For a cultural history of the chili pepper in China: Brian R. Dott, The Chile Pepper in China: A Cultural Biography (New York: Columbia University Press, 2020). [View on Amazon] For a related online essay by the same author, see: “A Tale of Chiles, a Servant, and a Travelling Medical Scholar in Early Modern China,” The Recipes Project (January 20, 2022). [Read online (in English)]
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The earliest known textual reference to chili peppers in China appears in Zunsheng bajian (遵生八牋, Eight Treatises on the Nurturing of Life, 1591) by Gao Lian. In juan 16, the entry on fanjiao (番椒) includes the following description: "叢生白花, 子儼禿筆頭, 味辣色紅, 甚可觀, 子種." (It bears white flowers in clusters. Its fruit resembles the tip of a worn-down writing brush. The taste is spicy, the color is red. Quite visually striking. Reproduces by seed.) [Read text (in Classical Chinese) and access book (in Classical Chinese) 56/152].
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The full record of nammancho in Jibong yuseol by Yi Su-gwang reads as follows: “南蠻椒有大毒, 始自倭國來, 故俗謂倭芥子. 今往往種之, 酒家利其猛烈, 或和燒酒以市之, 飮者多死.” [“The nammancho is highly toxic. It came originally from Japan, so people call it ‘waegaeja’ (lit. Japanese mustard). These days, it is frequently planted. At taverns, its intense pungency is put to use. It is even mixed into soju and sold. Many who drink it die.”] [Read online (in Classical Chinese) and access book (in Classical Chinese) 161/172 from the Chosŏn Kosŏ Kanhŏnghoe edition (1915)]. The passage possibly reflects early anxieties about the chili pepper’s intense pungency, and describes a dramatic association with alcohol and death. Whether these reported fatalities actually occurred—or what specific method was used to infuse chili into soju—remains unclear. Interestingly, a related folk belief persists in Korea today: some people still mix red pepper powder into soju as a home remedy, believing it helps raise body temperature and relieve cold symptoms. [Read online (in Korean)]
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A detailed reflection on the origins and classification of chili peppers appears in Yi Ik (1681–1763)’s Seongho saseol, likely compiled in the 1760s. He writes: “According to the Shengjing tongzhi, ‘The Qin pepper (秦椒) is longer than a jujube, tapering to a point. It is green when unripe and red when ripe. Another variety bears fruit upward and is called ‘tianjiao’ (天椒). I have tried the upward-bearing kind; it bears abundant fruits, but is not very spicy. The Japanese call it ‘beoncho’ (番椒), while we call it ‘waecho’ (倭椒, lit. Japanese pepper). Its taste is harsh and strong, making it especially suitable for rustic people (ya-in, 野人) who eat only vegetables. In our country, we only remember that it came from Japan, so we call it waecho. Recently, I came across a Japanese poem on chili peppers, which reads: ‘A certain kind is said to have come from Qin; flushed red without the urging of harsh frost; Who tied it up like a monkey-hair brush? Its sharp tip refuses to be stained with musk soot.’ If this is true, then the pepper may have come from Qin and later entered Japan. The Tangshi huapu (Illustrated Anthology of Tang Poetry), which catalogues many plants, also refers to ‘southern fan-pepper’ (南番椒), leading some to suspect it may have originated in Panyu (番禺).” [Read full text (in Classical Chinese) and scanned image]. Cf. Shengjing tongzhi, vol. 106. [Access book (in Classical Chinese), seq. 3303]
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Oju Yeonmun Jangjeon Sango is an encyclopedia compiled by Yi Gyugyeong (1788–1856). Among its many entries, the following section discusses chili peppers in detail. [Read full text (in Classical Chinese)] Much of Yi Gyugyeong’s discussion here draws heavily from Wakan sansai zue (和漢三才圖會, 1712), vol 89, entry on “Chili Pepper” (番椒). In fact, large sections are copied almost verbatim, including descriptions of its introduction during the Keichō era (1596–1615), botanical features, culinary and medicinal uses, and folk remedies. [Access book (in Classical Chinese), 24-25/44)]. To avoid redundancy, the English translation below omits overlapping content found in Seongho saseol and Wakan sansai zue, focusing instead on the distinctive contributions and original observations made by Yi Gyugyeong wherever possible.
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A Treatise on Chili Peppers (Beoncho) and Squash (Namgwa): Chili peppers (beoncho, 番椒) are locally referred to as gocho (苦草, “bitter herb”), and squash (namgwa, 南瓜) is colloquially known as hobak (胡朴). Both originate from the southern “barbarian” regions (南蠻). Thus, chili peppers are also known as nammancho (南蠻椒, “southern barbarian pepper”), and squash is likewise called namgwa (“southern gourd”). Of the two, only squash is found in Li Shizhen’s Compendium of Materia Medica (Bencao gangmu 本草綱目, completed in 1578 and printed in 1596); chili peppers are absent from the text. The introduction of chili peppers and squash into Korea occurred after the Imjin War (1592). With tobacco, these three cultivars—originating from Japan and China—were transmitted to the Korea. […] Squash, it is said, was first consumed by monks some 70 to 80 years ago, later adopted by commoners. The yangban aristocracy avoided it, viewing it as a “monk’s vegetable” (seungso, 僧蔬). Since then, its use has gradually spread, and today it is a staple side dish, even rivaling more refined cuisine. The same applies to chili peppers. Gochujang is now valued for its digestive benefits. The powdered form—vivid red like cinnabar—is an indispensable seasoning used with salt, Japanese plum, ginger, Chinese cinnamon, and other daily staples of Korean cooking. […] According to records from the Huadong (華東, East China) region of China, chili peppers appear in a wide range of forms. The type known as Tangkucao (唐苦草) is round and red like a bead. Some are rounded yet pointed, resembling a chicken heart. Others, such as Qinjiao (秦椒), are longer than a jujube and taper to a sharp tip. There is also a variety that bears upward-facing fruit, known as Yangtianjiao (仰天椒). Another type is as large as caoliji (草荔芰), with wrinkled ridges like angular folds, and at a glance, it resembles a Buddha’s hand citron. These varieties display a wide range of forms. In Korea, chili peppers have also been called waegaeja (倭芥子, “Japanese mustard”) or waecho (倭草, “Japanese herb”). The tender stems and leaves are used as greens in kimchi to eat, and young green fruits are hollowed out, filled with minced meat, and braised in soy sauce to create elegant dishes. When powdered and mixed with fermented soy paste, it becomes gochujang, with nationwide renowned varieties from Sunchang and Cheonan. In winter, chili seeds are pressed for oil, which is used to dress vegetable dishes, imparting a light and clean flavor. Recently, Korean chili peppers have been exported to Japan via the Waegwan trading post (倭館), reportedly yielding significant economic benefit. Medically, boiling fresh chilies and drinking the infusion is said to treat cold-type dysentery, and physicians have often used this method with good results. Dried chilies ground into powder have been used in weaponry— being used to create poisonous smoke that, when released into enemy’s formation, causes sneezing and blurred vision, resulting in their defeat. Additionally, powdered chili mixed with water can be used to clean oil-stained garments—the stains fade naturally, leaving no trace. If a tiger inhales chili smoke, its fur falls out, its skin festers, and it dies. Further records will be added as more observations become available. […] Today, chili peppers and squash are common and inexpensive. Yet their origins are little known, and their uses were not well understood. Therefore, I have ventured this humble interpretation, in order to pass on the sentiments of this rustic old man who loves antiquity.
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The belief, found in some Japanese sources, that chili peppers originated in Korea may not be a simple error or a brief wartime anomaly. While it is well-established that chili peppers were introduced to Korea via Japan in the late 16th century, the subsequent localization and widespread cultivation of the crop in Korea call for deeper historical inquiry. Following the Imjin War (1592–1598), thousands of surrendered or defected Japanese soldiers—known as hangwae (降倭)—were resettled in Korea, many in agricultural communities. The Joseon government provided them with housing, farmland, and possibly even labor assistance to support their integration. Given this policy-driven settlement strategy, it is plausible that some hangwae households began cultivating familiar or easily adaptable crops—chili peppers may have been one such choice. In this light, Korea’s early chili cultivation may have developed not solely through domestic innovation, but through state-directed postwar agricultural migration involving Japanese settlers. This may also help explain why, by the 19th century, Korean-grown chili was being exported to Japan, and why some Japanese records began to describe chili as a Korean-origin product. Recent scholarship suggests that the Joseon government may have even assigned agricultural assistants (hyupin, 俠人) to hangwae households in order to ensure successful settlement. If so, the agricultural infrastructure behind chili domestication in Korea—and the transnational exchange between Japan and Korea—was likely far more complex than a one-way transmission of seeds. Further research is needed to clarify the practical role of hangwae communities in this process. See Lee Jung-soo, “Review of the Labor Characteristics of Hyupho in the Register Records of Ulsan,” Chiyeok kwa Yeoksa 40 (2017), pp. 95–130. [Access article (in Korean)]
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For historical botanical illustration of Persicaria hydropiper: [view botanical image] *The third image from the left depicts Persicaria hydropiper; the sixth image shows Celosia which was sometimes used to tint kimchi red. Cf. Sin Saimdang's "Grass and Insects" [Read online (in English)]
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For an article on dyeing kimchi red with Celosia: Chae-Lin Park, “Contents and Value in Jasonbojeon Choi’s Recipe Book of Shin-chang Maeng’s Family,” Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture 30-2 (2015), pp. 137–149. [Access article (in Korean)]
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Kim Chang-yeop (1658–1721), Nogajaejip (老稼齋集, 1798), vol. 2. [Full text (in Classical Chinese)and scanned image)]
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Yi Seo-woo (1633–1709), Songpajip (松坡集), vol. 9. [Full text (in Classical Chinese)and scanned image)]
5. Kimchi Takes Shape: A Recipe Refined in the 18th and 19th Centuries
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For official English-language kimchi recipes provided by the Korean government: Hansik.org. [Read online (in English)]
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For an accessible introduction to kimchi fermentation and microbial activity—including how flavor and gut health are affected: National Public Radio. “How hardworking microbes ferment cabbage into kimchi” NPR (August 13, 2023). [Read online (in English)]
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For a comprehensive review of the health benefits of kimchi as a probiotic food: Kun-Young Park et al., "Health Benefits of Kimchi (Korean Fermented Vegetables) as a Probiotic Food," Journal of Medicinal Food 17-1 (2014), pp. 6–20. [Read abstract (in English)] For an analysis of the microbial population dynamics during kimchi fermentation: Jinhee Cho et al., "Microbial Population Dynamics of Kimchi, a Fermented Cabbage Product," FEMS Microbiology Letters 257-2 (2006), pp. 262–267. [Read abstract (in English)]
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For a broader cultural and scientific perspective on fermentation, see Chapter 4 of: Michael Pollan, Cooked: A Natural History of Transformation (New York: Penguin Press, 2013). [Explore the author’s page]
6. The Rise of Cabbage Kimchi and the Culture of Kimjang
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For one of the earliest references to cabbage in Korean historical records, the term sung (菘) appears in the Hyangyak gugeup bang (Emergency Prescriptions of Native Medicine)(traditionally dated to 1236, though the precise date remains debated among scholars). For brief bibliographic information, Jeong Jong-woo (정종우) et al., Haejero boneun Joseonsidae saengmuljawon 1 – Joseon jeongi (15segi) [해제로 보는 조선시대 생물자원 1 조선전기 (15세기); Biological Resources of the Joseon Dynasty through Historical Documents, vol. 1 – Early Joseon (15th Century)] (Incheon: National Institute of Biological Resources, Ministry of Environment, 2016), pp. 28–32. [Access book (in Korean)]
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For an early English-language definition of kimchi as “cabbage or radish pickle”: James Scarth Gale, A Korean-English Dictionary (Yokohama, Shanghai, Hongkong, and Singapore: Kelly & Walsh, 1897), p. 247. [Access book (in English)]
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Description of Chinese cabbages in China between 1832 and 1833, from Yeonwon jikji (燕轅直指, 1833), vol. 6: [read full text (in Classical Chinese, Korean translation, and scanned image 444/506)].
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For early 20th-century photographic documentation of Korean cabbage varieties (Gyeongseong and Gaeseong cultivars): Chōsen sōtokufu nōji shikenjō nijūgo shūnen kinenshi (朝鮮總督府農事試驗場二拾五周年記念誌), vol. 1 (Seoul: Chōsen Sōtokufu Nōji Shikenjō, 1931), pp. 246 and 248. [Access book (in Japanese)]
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For more on the transformation of Chinese cabbage in Korea’s modern history, see two insightful articles: [read online (in Korean)] and [read online (in Korean)].
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For a 1935 photo of kimjang season: [view photo].
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For an early 20th-century Western account of kimjang and cabbage use in Korea: Lillias H. Underwood, With Tommy Tompkins in Korea (New York, Chicago, etc.: F.H. Revell Company, 1905), pp. 40–41. [Access book (in English)] For biographical context on Lillias H. Underwood (1851–1921), an American missionary and physician who lived in Korea for over 30 years, Meehyun Chung, “Centennial Commemoration of the Death of Lillias Horton Underwood,” Yonsei Medical Journal 62-10(2021), pp. 873-876. [Download article (in English)]
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For a contemporary personal reflection on kimjang in a Korean household: June Eun Chae, Chae: Korean Slow Food for a Better Life (Richmond: Hardie Grant Books, 2024), p. 7. [View on Amazon] and [Explore the author’s page]
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At large Buddhist temples like Haeinsa—better understood as monastic communities rather than temples in the Western sense—the scale of kimjang is remarkable. For a photo of kimjang at Haeinsa Temple (2017): [view photo]
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For a brief overview of the kimchi refrigerator, [read online (in English)]; For an overview of the kimchi refrigerator’s cultural significance and technological evolution since its invention in 1984: [read online (in Korean)] and [read online (in English)].
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Two records from 1881 indicate that the Joseon royal household used an item referred to as jeobing-gwe (葅氷樻, “iced kimchi box”), possibly associated with the storage and cooling of kimchi. However, the precise form and function of this device remain unclear and require further study. View images of document no. 1715 (in Classical Chinese) (9/22) and 1716 (in Classical Chinese) (12/30).
7. Kimchi and Korean Identity
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For discussions on kimchi as a national food, see Park Chae-rin’s study in Kimchiology Series 3 (Gwangju: World Institute of Kimchi, 2015), pp. 11–46. [Access book (in Korean)]
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For an early Western description of kimchi and the cultural reactions it evoked:
“It frequently requires many years for foreigners to so far overcome the odour of this kimchi as to be able to detect its real flavour, but when once acquainted with its merits it is easy for them to understand how the heart of the homesick Korean in a strange land yearns for a taste of this crisp pungent deliciousness, the like of which is nowhere else to be found. Many foreigners, however, never learn to appreciate kimchi, and remain as much prejudiced against it as is the average Korean in his distaste for our cheese, or ‘rotten milk.’”
— Ellasue C. Wagner, Korea: The Old and the New (New York, Chicago, etc.: F.H. Revell Company, 1931), p. 78.
For contextual analysis of Ellasue C. Wagner’s perspective, see Eun-Hee Cha, "Victorian and Confucian Womanhood Viewed by Western Women Missionaries: Annie Baird, Ellasue Wagner, Jean Perry, and Lillias Underwood" (PhD diss., King’s College London, 2018). [Access dissertation (in English)]
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For a dictionary-style summary of kimjang, kimchi, and the kimchi refrigerator in the context of Korean popular culture: National Folk Museum of Korea, ed., Encyclopedia of Hallyu, vol. 1 (Seoul: National Folk Museum of Korea, 2024), pp. 131–143. [Access book (in Korean)]
8. Kimchi in America: From Mission Kitchens to Multicultural Pride
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For the numbers on Korea’s kimchi export record in 2024, see the Ministry of Agriculture, Food and Rural Affairs (MAFRA), press release, January 7, 2025. [Read online (in Korean)]
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Formal recognition of kimchi's cultural significance in the United States commenced in California. In August 2021, the California State Assembly unanimously adopted House Resolution No. 52 (HR 52), introduced by then-Assemblymember Dr. Steven Choi, declaring November 22 as "Kimchi Day" within the state. This legislative action underscored kimchi's increasing global popularity and its importance as a symbol of Korean American heritage, marking a significant step in acknowledging Asian American cultural contributions. For the full text of HR 52, [read online (in English)].
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In 2023, Representative Young Kim and fellow Korean American members of the U.S. House of Representatives introduced a resolution to designate November 22 as National Kimchi Day. The resolution recognizes kimchi as a food with notable health benefits and deep cultural significance, and celebrates the contributions of Korean Americans. This effort followed official Kimchi Day designations in several states—including California, New York, Virginia, and others—beginning in 2021. See: U.S. Representative Young Kim, press release, April 10, 2023. [Read online (in English)]. For the full text of the U.S. House resolution, [read online (in English)]
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For an early English-language collection of Korean recipes: Harriett Morris, Korean Recipes (Kansas, 1945). [Access book (in English)] For a scholarly article contextualizing Harriett Morris and Korean women's culinary knowledge in global exchange: Jung-ran Yoon, “Inheritance, Diffusion, and Global Exchange of Modern Women’s Knowledge: Focused on Joseon Yori Jaebup and Korean Recipes,” Soong Sil Sahak 49 (2022), pp. 175–202. [Access article (in Korean)] Her contributions were also recognized in a 2016 exhibition hosted by Ewha Womans University. [Read online (in Korean / English)] Separately, the Seoul Museum of History has identified Korean Recipes as a major historical artifact and features it on its official website. [Read online (in Korean)]
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For archival material on Harriett Morris’s career, including her Distinguished Service Award speech [Link], and for documentation of her scheduled expulsion from Korea in 1940, including the note “Packing & leaving for U.S.A.” dated November 10, 1940 [Link], see the Harriett Morris Collection [Link], part of the Walter Morris Family Papers, at Wichita State University Special Collections and University Archives. [View archive]
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For contemporary English-language writing on kimchi and fermentation by a Bay Area author: Karen Solomon, Asian Pickles (Berkeley: Ten Speed Press, 2014) [View on Amazon]; Asian Pickles: Korea, Kindle ed. (2013) [View on Amazon]; [Explore the author’s page]